IRIN Web Special on Cote d’Ivoire crisis

Perceived disenfranchisement

Another contentious issue that has been the perception by a section of the population that its members have been disenfranchised. This issue, which cropped up at the negotiations in Lome, is linked to an ongoing problem regarding identity cards.

This has been a sensitive issue since 1990, when the then Parti democratique de Cote d’Ivoire (PDCI - Cote d’Ivoire Democratic Party) government attempted to allow foreigners to vote in elections. This was refused by the opposition, which subsequently accused the government of circumventing its refusal by giving foreigners national ID cards to allow them to vote.

During the military transition, some political parties, the media and one human rights group also charged that national ID cards were being fraudulently issued to foreigners.

Muslim leaders later complained that their community was the main target of suspicion. In May 2000, the Higher Council of Imams said complained that security forces had been abusively withdrawing ID cards from Muslims and destroying them.

In regional elections held this year, many people were unable to vote because the old style identity cards were withdrawn and replaced with new ones. The issuing of the new cards was suspended at one point and resumed only one week before the polls. Some groups, including the RDR, complained that many people did not obtain the new cards, and the election turnout was low: about 30 percent.

In a policy brief issued on 6 November 2002, the West Africa Network for Peace-building (WANEP) noted that Cote d’Ivoire had split along ethnic lines following elections, and that the present conflict was “adding a religious dimension to the ethnic divide”.

Writing in the 30 October 2002 edition of Le Nouveau Reveil, a daily close to the Parti democratique de Cote d’Ivoire (PDCI - Cote d’Ivoire Democratic Party), legal expert N’Dja Boka linked Cote d’Ivoire’s crisis to the fact that key issues had not yet been fully resolved despite a reconciliation forum held in 2001.

“The identity problems of some Ivorians have not been resolved” he said. “The political and military problems encountered by Ivorians from the north of the country have not been resolved.”

He also noted that the local government elections had been flawed.

A list of recommendations proposed by Boka for resolving the crisis included the establishment of a transparent policy of national identification accepted by the majority of Ivorians, measures to guarantee the independence of the national elections commission and the organisation of early general elections that are free and fair, open to all political currents and supervised by the international community.

However, he noted that whatever the grievances given sectors may have had, these do not justify taking up arms against the state. Musah agrees. He feels the stand taken by the African Union (AU), which came out clearly against any attempt to take power by violence ... must not be undermined.”

The MPCI, he said, must be given a strong ultimatum “to lay down its arms so as to pave the way for a two-year transitional government of national unity that would pave the way for fresh elections when stability is restored.”

The mutiny should not be allowed to continue, whatever its merit may be, he says. “Its first objective was fighting against demobilisation and suddenly its struggle took on a political dimension. Were they to obtain power there would likely be further changes in its direction. The insurrection, therefore, has to be stopped now”. At the same time, the authorities in Abidjan should be persuaded “to form a government of national unity to hold the fort and end the military aspect of the conflict.”

Prolongation of conflict would cause humanitarian crisis

As the crisis drags on, its effects are being felt by hundreds of thousands of vulnerable people, not least the some 250,000 to 350,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs), refugees and evacuees (migrants forced by the insecurity to return home).

Humanitarian agencies are bracing for a much larger population displacement in the event of a deterioration of the situation. In that case, about 11 West African countries whose nationals make up the bulk of the over four million foreigners (1998 figure) in Cote d’Ivoire could be affected. These are Burkina Faso, Mali, Guinea, Benin, Niger, Ghana, Liberia, Nigeria, Togo, Senegal and Mauritania.

"So far, we do not see a humanitarian crisis,” the diplomatic source told IRIN. “But if the situation continues as it is for another two months, there will be a crisis. We will have crossed the line. There is already hunger in the northern parts of the country, but people are not starving. They are down from 3 meals a day to 2, but there is no malnutrition yet. Part of the reason we do not have a crisis yet is because this is a rich country with a great coping capacity, in spite of it being a developing country.

The World Food Programme (WFP) has also warned that there are pockets of vulnerability, and has appealed for US $3 million to feed 100,000 affected persons in Cote d’Ivoire and neighbouring countries.

Other effects of the crisis include the closure of schools in areas occupied by the rebels. According to UNICEF, about 22 percent of school children may have stopped going to school as a result of the upheavals. Many teachers have been displaced. UNICEF’s first priority, according to Georgette Aithnard, its country director for Cote d’Ivoire, is to help get children back into school. The UN agency is also worried about the recruitment of minors in the conflict and has appealed to all parties concerned to do whatever is necessary to end this.

Other areas of concern for the humanitarian community include health: some hospitals and pharmacies in rebel-held zones are short on medicines and staff. In many cases, people depend heavily on medical services provided by the Red Cross and NGOs such as Medecins sans Frontieres.

Reports of human rights abuses, both in rebel-held areas and those that have remained under government control, have also caused concern. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have condemned extrajudical killings and other abuses in reports issued in October and November respectively.

Local human rights groups have also reported abuses. In late November, officials of the Mouvement ivoirien des droits de l’homme (MIDH - Ivorian Human Rights Movement) told IRIN they were extremely worried by the operations of “death squads” in Abidjan. Similar concern was expressed by another human rights group, the Ligue ivoirienne des droits de l’homme (LIDHO - Ivorian Human Rights League), according to media reports. The MIDH also published a list of over 100 persons whom, it said, had been detained since 19 September.

Part V