Q. What is the way forward, therefore?

A: I strongly believe that the IPC provides the way forward. It is possible to solve the problem. So my view is that it's possible to put pressure on both the Lendu and the Hema to come to an arrangement that ends the violence. One of the actions is to disarm the different groups, but I'm afraid this will [have to] wait for a new political dispensation in Kinshasa. Once there is new political arrangement, then you can remove the warlords such as Mbusa.

Once the likes of Mbusa are absorbed in state structures, they will integrate their forces, and so you minimise competition. The likes of Lubanga just have to fall into line once there is authority.

Another solution is to have affirmative action on the part of the disadvantaged groups. The truth is that the Hema are the most educated and the richest. Right now there is chaos, so no one is in charge. So you empower the others without denying those already in advantaged positions their rights.

Q. What role can the international community play in ending the conflict?

A: Well, the UN is already there. The UN approves [of] the idea of the IPC, so they are supporting us. But the UN should have already done much more. The UN could have trained a police force to enforce order in Ituri and ensure that that police force is paid. I think their problem is that they fear to make mistakes. They think that if they create a police force, and genocide takes place, then the UN will be blamed. If you fear to make mistakes [you] then sit and do nothing, [as] if doing nothing is not a mistake.

Q. There are allegations that some UPDF [Uganda People's Defence Forces] officers are fuelling the crisis to benefit from the spoils of war.

A: I find that argument nave. There is no way the Uganda government would be pulling out its forces and doing everything it can to restore peace in Congo, [and] then it allows its officers to fuel the crisis. The UPDF would not fuel such a crisis in Ituri, because it is not a rich part of Congo. If one talks of Bafwasende, what is there? The Kilomoto gold mine which was closed years ago? Why would the Congolese rebels be fighting for taxes at the border with Uganda if there were minerals there? Those who make such allegations are not informed.

For example, that UN report was expected to be a cover-up by those who exploited Africa for so long. But because the report emphasises that end-user countries of the alleged illegally exploited DRC resources be put to task, you can see how the international community has lost interest in the whole thing.

Q. How is the IPC to be constituted?

We are working closely with the UN. After the September meeting in Kinshasa, we named a planning team of six. The team is composed of two Ugandans, two DRC government officials and two MONUC [Un mission in the DRC] staff. The team had already travelled to Bunia to establish the IPC, but could not continue because of the confusion there. The Kinshasa team was accused of supporting the Lendu.

But, in general terms, the IPC is meant to consist of parties, political, military, economic and social forces active in Bunia areas and the inhabitants' grass-roots communities.

So the Kinshasa meeting was what is referred to as an experts' meeting for the implementation of the provisions of the Luanda agreement. The broad objectives of the IPC are to lead to cessation of hostilities in the region; identification of the causes of the conflicts; defining of a mechanism for peacekeeping and maintenance of law and order in Ituri; restoration of state authority; and the completion of the withdrawal of Ugandan troops from Bunia among other things.

We still think we must withdraw by 15 December as provided by the Luanda accord. We are now in more consultations with the UN, and we think they should find a neutral force to take over from us in Bunia.

While in Kinshasa, we selected Bunia as the venue for the work of the IPC, which was to be of 10 days' duration. And we had already created a the preparatory subcommittee to immediately start work.